Establishment Media Blacklists Nichols' OKC Revelations

Bomb Nichols helped McVeigh build unsophisticated, half size of device described by feds, mainstream press ignores testimony, obsesses instead about Britney Spears shaving her head
Paul Joseph Watson & Alex Jones
Prison Planet
Feb. 27, 2007

Astounding revelations on behalf of Oklahoma City bombing conspirator Terry Nichols, including Timothy McVeigh's connection to government provocateurs and the fact that the bomb he helped McVeigh build was completely different to the one described by official accounts, have been uniformly ignored by the corporate media as the story enters its sixth day.

The magnitude of the allegations made by Nichols in his declaration have been deliberately undermined by the all but complete ignorance of the mainstream media to report on them. Besides a smattering of initial reports about Nichols fingering an FBI agent as having directed McVeigh in the bombing, the corporate media have completely blacklisted the issue despite the Internet release of Nichols' declaration in PDF format by this website on Friday, courtesy of Attorney Jesse Trentadue.

If Osama bin Laden or one of the other alleged masterminds behind 9/11 publicly accused Dick Cheney as having helped facilitate 9/11, would the media be interested? Why is press coverage so sparse when this testimony fundamentally contradicts the official version of a major chapter in American history? The question answers itself - the establishment is complicit in burying these revelations while Americans are bombarded with 24/7 drivel about Anna Nicole Smith and Britney Spears shaving her head.

The more attention this story receives, the heavier the push will be for Nichols to give video testimony - a development that would likely trigger calls for a completely fresh investigation of the event. Such a scenario would consequently discredit the the official conspiracy theory behind 9/11 which is why the establishment is so eager to see this story disappear.

Nichols' declaration challenges the official conspiracy theory that McVeigh acted alone and that a 5000-pound fuel oil and fertilizer bomb ripped the face off the Alfred P. Murrah building on April 19 1995.

In paragraph eight of his testimony , Nichols states that he cannot possibly divulge all the information he knows via a written declaration and only through a video deposition will the true scale of what happened be known. "Crucial parts of this terrorist act remain hidden from the American people," states Nichols, "especially the identities of the "Others Unknown" who collaborated with McVeigh in the bombing."

Nichols identifies two individuals, one a "government provocateur" (later named as gun dealer Roger Moore) and the other a "high-ranking federal government official" (later identified as former FBI agent Larry Potts) as having directly assisted McVeigh.

In paragraph ten, Nichols confirms that McVeigh told him that while he was in the army he had been recruited to carry out undercover operations and that his first mission would entail networking with certain individuals, the first being Roger Moore.

Nichols then states that he and McVeigh stole eight and a half boxes of the explosive Tovex from a quarry in Marion, Kansas, but expresses his surprise that only a small amount of the explosives were used in the actual bombing. What happened to the other seven and a half boxes? Were they responsible for the descriptions of bombs inside the building and the physical evidence showing the columns blown out by the blast?

Nichols then describes how McVeigh traveled around the country to different gun shows making contact with other members of the "network" that would help him plan the attack. As we have discussed before, this is part of the process of creating a ledger or a history which could later be re-hashed to support the official story. If McVeigh was being directed by government provocateurs, as Nichols confirms, then they could have swiftly supplied him with the materials and knowledge for how to make the bomb, identified the target, and then set him free to strike. However, such a method would have been foolish and dangerous because any cursory investigation would have led straight back to McVeigh's government handlers with no diversion.

By having McVeigh network with white supremacists at Elohim City, German intelligence agent Andreas Strassmeier, and by also introducing a non-existent Philippines connection, a storyboard was being drawn up to which the official script could later be structured around.

Indeed, in paragraph 33, Nichols relates McVeigh's anger at Larry Potts for forcing him to "go off script" and change the target of the bombing.

The government provocateurs who were directing McVeigh, such as Roger Moore, would escape prosecution for their involvement in the bombing under the designation that they were "protected witnesses," as Nichols explains in paragraph 25.

Nichols relates how McVeigh had an uncanny ability to stay one step ahead of him at all times, gaining knowledge of his movements and activities before Nichols had even told him, leading Nichols to conclude that McVeigh seemed to "have a way of knowing at all times where I was and what I was doing. This is patently because Nichols was under intense surveillance by the very same government agents that were handling and giving knowledge to McVeigh.

In paragraph 18, Nichols claims that McVeigh threatened to harm his family if he refused to partake in a robbery of (government provocateur) Roger Moore. Again, this represents Nichols being set-up as part of the process of creating a ledger behind the bombing, by manufacturing a gang of armed robbers that would be used to supposedly fund the bombing plan.

It was, according to Nichols, Roger Moore who supplied McVeigh with the Kinestik explosive that was used as the detonator for the fertilizer bomb. The burglary of Moore's house was staged so that it could be claimed the bomb materials were stolen from Moore and thus absolve him of complicity in the bombing.

In what is the biggest smoking gun to contradict the official account, Nichols describes how the bomb he helped McVeigh build on April 18 was completely inconsistent with the bomb used in the attack according to the official version of events.

"The bomb that I helped McVeigh build that morning did not resemble in any fashion the bomb McVeigh described in the book American Terrorist (McVeigh's official biography)," states Nichols, later adding that the bomb he and McVeigh built was much smaller than the one cited by official accounts.

Nichols claims the bomb was a different shape (V as oppose to inverted J) and only took up half of the space in the truck as opposed to the full truck according to the official account. The bomb material was cased in white plastic barrels, not blue, and the ammonium fertilizer had not been stored correctly, causing it to become lumpy.

Nichols is effectively describing a dud bomb that would have caused nowhere near the damage done to the Alfred P. Murrah building.

"The bomb McVeigh described also displayed a level of expertise and sophisticated which neither McVeigh nor I had in building a bomb," states Nichols.

Nichols relates an incident where McVeigh attempted to detonate a small scale test bomb. The only thing to explode was the detonator and the fertilizer spilled out onto the ground without exploding.

This testimony only confirms a long held understanding amongst those who have exhaustively researched the event that the skill and materials necessary to accomplish the damage done to the federal building were not available to McVeigh without outside help and that the magnitude of the blast could only be explained by additional bombs planted inside the building. Unexploded devices that were removed by bomb squads on the morning of the attack were reported by local TV and radio news stations but questions surrounding multiple bombs were quickly buried by the force of the official explanation.

The burden again rests upon the alternative media to lobby the mainstream into covering these bombshell revelations and pushing for a fresh inquiry into the Oklahoma City bombing. Blanket dismissals of Nichols' testimony on the basis that he's a convicted criminal accomplice are absent any explanation as to why Nichols would tempt intense harassment and at worse elimination at the hands of the very authorities that currently incarcerate him by lying about government involvement.

The establishment press, bar a couple of exceptions, have once again betrayed their absolute cowardice in failing to cover this momentous story, proving once again that they are nothing more than mouthpieces for a government cover-up that continues to suffocate the truth almost twelve years after the April 19 1995 bombing.